Not that I could with this body', Rani declares, 'but a woman? No thanks! In developing a gender identity, Rani is faced with powerful discourses concerning what being female-born  should entail. Local Bugis, Sulawesi  and state Indonesian ideologies present images of women as the embodiment of family honour, as wives and as mothers. Alternative images of women are rarely portrayed. In searching for an appropriate gender model, Rani replicates many idealised forms of masculinity.
It would be incorrect, though, to assume that Rani wants to become a man. But if I were a man, well, we would have to get married first! In order to understand the processes involved in establishing a gender identity it is essential to analyse the cultural setting in which these negotiations take place. The interplay between gender as a cultural discourse and an individual's subjective experience of gender is an important site for examination.
Indeed it is the conflation of these two distinct but interacting processes that Evelyn Blackwood argues ensures that gender remains a problematic concept.
In negotiating their gender identity, calalai' engage with a variety of discourses that shape their lives. In describing the cultural environment in which calalai' identity is formed, I examine three key elements in an attempt to provide the setting in which gender negotiations take place: the concept of siri' [shame], state ideology, and Islam. What comes through in each of these sections is that there are very clear notions of what women should be like and also the consequences for a woman who refuses to conform to these ideals.
For instance, a woman who does not Ben Nevis - Die Drei ??? Und Die Rache Der Samurai heterosexually Jazz Mann Jazz - DJ Nils Noa* - Prima Norsk 2 bear children potentially causes her family shame.
It also becomes clear that there are no models available for women who do not adhere to these dominant discourses. In attempting to develop a gender identity, dominant ideology circumscribes masculine females to model their identity on men. Having analysed the setting, I then move into the second part of the paper where I examine gender as subjective experience.
In doing this, I make extensive use of ethnographic field notes to create a sense of what it means to identify as calalai'. I demonstrate how, on the one hand, calalai' emulate aspects of idealised masculinity and continue to uphold hegemonic ideology by replicating the masculine-feminine dichotomy. Then on the other hand, I show how calalai' deviate from this standard and communicate a form of female masculinity.
The Bugis term calalai' etymologically means 'false man',  but I argue that it is more accurate to take this to refer to the femaleness of calalai' and their form of masculinity, rather than their being failed men. Some calalai'specifically those living in the capital city of Makassar, prefer the terms tomboi and hunter. As Dilah asserts, 'I prefer the term hunter because we hunt down love and then pounce on it.
The term linas is used in Makassar to refer to the partner of a calalai'although in more rural settings, partners are unsignified, being referred to as makkunrai [woman]. While we may talk of a Bugis gender system, it is important to realise that this system is not formed solely from local notions of gender. Rather conceptualisations of gender emerge from various sources. By analysing local ideas of siri'state ideologies, and Islamic discourses, we can being to understand the framework in which calalai' identity is negotiated.
In order to examine the Solymos Antal / Karda Beáta - Álom / Meddig Tart Egy Szerelem setting in which calalai' identity is negotiated, we need to understand siri' and how it constitutes normative gender practice. There is a seeming paradox within the gender system at work in South Sulawesi. On the one hand, it is flexible and accommodating enough to acknowledge the existence of various gender identities.
To be Solymos Antal / Karda Beáta - Álom / Meddig Tart Egy Szerelem woman you need to obey certain prescriptions. Most fundamentally, you need to be female. While being female is a necessary prerequisite to being a woman, it is not a sufficient attribute. You must also dress like a woman, behave like a woman, follow the norms of being a woman e.
Matthes defined siri as meaning 'ashamed, diffident, shy, shame, sense of honour, disgrace. To be made to feel siri' requires immediate action: I owe some money to a ToLaing and I have to repay it, and the date for repaying it is approaching but I don't have it, then I go to my rich uncle and I tell him about it.
My uncle will give me the money. That is because we are one siri'and he would be embarrassed just like me if I didn't repay it. Moreover, as a woman is conceived of as being the primary symbol of her family's siri' women are under a great deal of pressure to ensure they do not cause siri'.
Chabot writes that a woman may not lose any standing. Her position is a fixed point for the men who are constantly outdoing each other. An impairment of her standing immediately calls for the most violent reaction, namely, the death of the challenger. Whoever does not react is mate-siri'that is to say, 'socially dead'.
This is expressed by saying that such a person is no longer 'of use', or that he is generally despised. Killing Antenna Head - ZZ Top - Antenna used because what has happened is felt to be so bad that no other reaction is considered possible. As one informant reveals, 'There are so few calalai' because women are more protected' Puang Sulai.
A primary cause of siri' is the refusal of a female to become an adult woman through marriage and motherhood. It is particularly important that Bugis women not only marry, but also marry a suitably ranked Monotonie Und Gebete - Gruftschlampen - Monotonie Und Gebete i.
One of the most important reasons for marrying is that it presents the opportunity to have children. It is through having children that a woman's status as Indo ' B [Mother] is achieved. Offspring are also needed to care for aging parents and to ensure that a family's blood-line continues. By remaining unmarried and without children an entire family's siri' is threatened. As such, a great deal of pressure is levied on females to marry and bear children and very few are willing to sacrifice their family's siri' by refusing.
Given the apparent weight of normative female prescriptions it is surprising that Solymos Antal / Karda Beáta - Álom / Meddig Tart Egy Szerelem alternative Solymos Antal / Karda Beáta - Álom / Meddig Tart Egy Szerelem exists - indeed some people cannot perceive that there are such people.
Individuals who do not conform to these prescriptions are left without an alternative model of womanhood. In a sense, then, masculine females are labeled calalai' because of there are no models of being a different kind of woman, of being a masculine woman for instance.
In searching for a framework, calalai' often become convinced of their masculinity and model their identity on men,  as we shall see in the second part of this paper. It is through pursuing these functions that a girl becomes a woman, and hence, a legitimate and worthy member of the Indonesian nation-state.
In New Order  rhetoric, women were considered to be the affective centre of the family. The policy of promoting nuclear families and motherhood - termed Ibuism by some scholars  - defined the five major duties of women: 1.
Woman's duty as wife 2. Woman's duty as mother 3. Woman's duty as procreator 4. Woman's duty as financial manager 5. Woman's duty as a member of society. Indeed women may not be considered adults until they have married heterosexually. The rationale behind this is that civil servants represent the state, and as such should uphold the principles of the state and set an example for the rest of society.
As Suryakasuma notes, the sexual conduct of public servants is an indicator of the moral integrity of the citizens and, to some extent, the legitimacy of the state. State family policies are oriented toward a nuclear family defined as a male husband, female wife, and children.
The message is Solymos Antal / Karda Beáta - Álom / Meddig Tart Egy Szerelem - as an Indonesian citizen women are feminine wives and mothers. There are no models for women who do not wish to choose wedded maternity. State discourse also makes clear what being a man should entail.
In order to complement a woman's roles as wife and mother, a man is expected to be the primary breadwinner, providing his wife and children with financial support. Men must act as the head of the household making decisions deemed in the best interest of his family's welfare.
Moreover, in order to reinforce their masculinity, men must protect the purity and morality of their family. Hir parents have even attempted to arranged hir marriage on a number of occasions. I could adopt a baby so I wouldn't have to sleep with a man. But if I did have to marry, you know if my parents force me, which they've tried to do before but I always tell them their selection isn't cocok suitablethen I'd just stay with him until I was pregnant and then I would find a linas because you know, a hunter cannot change hir feelings, hir makeup.
You can't change your fate hey. Once a hunteralways a hunteryou know! In acknowledging this Solymos Antal / Karda Beáta - Álom / Meddig Tart Egy Szerelem is prepared to marry for the sake of children.
In this respect, we can see how state ideology impacts on calalai' identity. While state ideology is a powerful Essential Spices - Soulstance - Act On! of behaviour, its tenets are not always observed.
Adherence to Islam is strong in South Sulawesi  and Islamic models of womanhood determine to a large extent appropriate behaviour for women. Marriage is morally required of all Muslims  and bearing children is a woman's way of acquiring status.
Muslim women are expected to be modest and this is gauged through factors as style of dress and ideally women should wear a veil. While Islam is used to reinforce state ideologies, it is also used to restrict women's movements and define their social conduct. While calalai' embody many forms of masculinity, there are certain instances when they must acknowledge the fact that they were born female. As a woman of course, I am [biologically] female after all! If I don't God will not recognise me and wont hear my prayers'.
While I did not meet any calalai' who had made the pilgrimage to Mecca, I was Solymos Antal / Karda Beáta - Álom / Meddig Tart Egy Szerelem that they would have to do it as women.
In these instances we can see how Islam impacts on calalai' identity. In Islam, the definition of woman, and what a woman should be like, is limited. Females searching for alternative forms of self expression therefore have trouble finding a place in Islamic models of womanhood.
This analysis of siri'state ideology, and Islam reveals that there is a very specific and limited model of womanhood available in South Sulawesi.
A woman is a wife Un Discorso In Generale - Various - Super Sanremo 2006 DieciElode mother and she embodies idealised femininity.
While adherence to this model is often desired - women may get a sense of pride and honour from becoming mothers, and they do not want to cause their family to feel siri' by rejecting this model - some female-bodied individuals seek a different way of being.